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Geosophy: Neo-Byzantine Approaches to Multipolar Geopolitics and Sacred Geography

23-4-2024 < Attack the System 11 7919 words
 

by Alexander Wolfheze























Alexander Wolfheze investigates Greek and Byzantine antetypes and archetypes relevant to the narrative revolution required for a successful Reconquista of the Fallen West: the recognition and imposition of the Geosophical Principle will serve to underpin this Archaeo-Futurist Revolution.




Silent Spring’i


(Greek Spring Prologue)


And be true to every promise


for, verily, you will be called to account for every promise which you have made


– Quran 17:34 (Bani Isra’il, ‘Sons of Israel’)


Separation Time, Cessation Day, Day Five of the Spring Flowering Month, (Havdalah, Shabbat, 5 Nisan), the Year of the Creation of the World 5784: slowly, the last minutes are ticking away before Operation ‘True Promise’ will light up the night skies of the Holy Land. As a teaching tool, the name of that operation is meant to warn the Old Israelites, bound to Moses’ Covenant but now claiming all the land between river and sea in breach of the same, that they must not stray from the path of righteousness. At the same time, it also serves to warn the New Israelites, aspiring to Christ’s Kingdom of Heaven but now supporting worldly claims in breach of the same, that they must not forsake their first love. At this time, one time zone hour further to the west, dusk still lingers over Greece, the language and teachers of which land have spread the New Covenant’s Good News far and wide. There, an unseasonably warm wind from Africa has filled the air with the faint odour of desert dust, painting the white-washed houses and the dark-green groves in an eerie yellow-orange. At this last light hour, the wind has died down and silence reigns supreme in deserted streets and empty fields. A moment of soundless, breathless suspense has come, prefiguring the midnight suspense that will shortly overtake the lands to the east, where fiery arrows will pierce the night, making their way west to deliver the message of the Persians to the Israelites. As the sun sheds its last rays over the rim of the ancient hills of Greece, the breathless suspense gives way to brooding gloom. The sun of history is setting over the West even as the sun of this spring day is setting over its birthplace.


Here in Greece, nearly three millennia ago, it was born: the West, the most modern and most deviating of all civilizations in recorded history, arising on the westernmost edge of the World Island, facing the Mare Tenebrae of the World Ocean. The adventurous and ever-exploring mariners of Ancient Greece, archetypically immortalized in Homer’s account of Ulysses, were the first Europeans to leave the relative safety of the Middle-Land Sea, pass through the Pillars of Hercules and sail into Atlantis’ great ocean beyond.ii They were the first ‘Westerners’, the first proto-type pioneers of the Neo-Atlantean venture and thalassocratic hegemony that would eventually come to typify the West as it entered its Age of Discoveries, moving plus ultra.iii Now, after the one-and-a-half millennium of its pagan Heroic and Classic Ages and after the one-and-half millennia of its Christian Middle and Late Ages, the cycle of Western Civilization is at long last coming to a close. Long past the halcyon days and Promethean promise of its youth and far removed from the crusading ventures and Faustian spirit of its maturity, the West went into terminal decline after the fall of its last Tradition-upholding Imperium vestiges in 1917 and 1918, inaugurating the final stage of what René Guénon termed la crise du monde moderne. During that stage, roughly equivalent to the ‘long 20th Century’, from the start of the Great War in 1914 to the start of the Great Reset in 2020, Western Civilization lost its moorings and bearings as its great ‘inner directives’ were gradually inverted and finally reversed.iv Undoubtedly, these inner directives, uniquely expressive of the Western soul, are best worded in the Greek language, which is the West’s oldest high culture medium and which ties its pagan Classical Antiquity (epitomized by Homer’s works) to its Christian Res Publica Europae (epitomized by the Gospels): they are Techne, Nomos and Evangelion.v After the West – precisely defined: the regions first subject to Western Roman ecclesiastic and imperial rule and then subject to its various Catholic and Protestant successor authorities, plus the European settlement colonies in the Americas and Oceania – fell into sectarianism (the Great Schism, 1054), heresy (the Reformation, 1517) and atheism (the American and French Revolutions, 1776/89). The West went through a gradual but accelerating process of inversion of direction and reversion of value reflected first in a loss of soul (religion giving way to secularism) and then in a loss of spirit (philosophy giving way to scientism), soon to be followed by the loss of body (divinely imaged humanity giving way to satanically imaged transhumanism). After the voiding of Evangelion (directing the Way of the earth-soul sphere), the voiding of Nomos (directing the Law in the earth-spirit sphere) and Techne (directing Craftmanship power in the earth-body sphere) became inevitable. This is reflected in the historical process of what Julius Evola termed la regressione delle caste: the fall of the Brahmins (the clergy), followed by that of the Kshatriyas (the nobility), that of the Vaishyas (the merchants) and that of the Shudras (the servants) and finally resulting in a world ‘ruled’ by the untouchables (the unclean sub-humans), in preparation of the end of humanity. Without a doubt, the ex-West, now ‘ruled’ by parasitical and sub-human vermin, has fallen into the lowest conceivable state of the human condition and it is now preparing for the final elimination of humanity itself, as prefigured in multiple, simultaneous ‘self-erasure’ phenomena: technologically in digitalization, virtualization and artificial intelligence, biologically in ‘birth control’, ‘sexual liberation’ and ‘transgenderism’ and economically in ‘green transition’, ‘lockdown’ and ‘deindustrialization’ – to which may now be added the first ‘pro-active euthanasia’ measures such as the recent ‘mRNA vaccination’, ‘Ukraine’ and ‘Gazacaust’ campaigns. Not surprisingly, these newest measures coincide with the point that marks the cultural historical ‘event horizon’ of Western Civilization: the formal Fall of the West may be dated to the ‘Great Reset’ years, characterized by an overt shift of ex-Western societies into a post-Western socio-economic mode (the ‘Covid’ psyop), a post-Western cultural mode (the ‘BLM’ Sacco di Roma) and a post-Western political mode (the ‘Biden’ coup).vi


At long last, the great historical cycle of Western civilization, which commenced when Phoenician princess Europa was abducted and brought over to Greece and when Persian Wisdom Worship was adopted and adapted by Greek philosophers and statesmen,vii is now coming to a close. Some precious gems – cultural modes, art forms, scientific skills, individual escapees – may still be saved from the impending utter ruin of Western Civilization, now irretrievably trapped in Neo-Atlantean hubris and bound to sink beneath the waves of history soon. Parts of the Orthodox Christian East, aligned with Third Rome Russia, have already organically incorporated some these precious remnants. Additionally, the New World southern cone of Latin America may linger on as an outpost repository of Western Civilization long after it has been eradicated in its Old World homeland. But before turning our eyes to those better places, and before turning our backs on the destruction-bound former West, our old homeland, it may be worth having a last look at it. The West may very well be living in the macro-historical equivalent of those few micro-historical spring-time hours preceding Operation ‘True Promise’ in the night of 13-14 April 2024, when the arrows of Neo-Persia had already been fired but not yet reached their Neo-Zion aim. During this short moment of ‘silent spring’ suspense, before fire and brimstone rain down to wipe away the new Sodom and Gomorrah that were built on the ruins of the former West, what better place to which to dedicate this last look than Hellas, the ancient Cradle of the West?


Testament of Youth’viii


(Deep Greece Retrieval)


Must we but weep o’er days more blest?
Must we but blush? Our fathers bled
Earth! Render back from out thy breast
A remnant of our Spartan dead!
Of the three hundred grant but three,
To make a new Thermopylae!


– Lord Byron, ‘The Isles of Greece’


Although still brought up in the Classical Tradition imparted by the now-erased old continental European education system of the Gymnasium, cramming five years of more Latin and Greek than English and French language lessons, the author never particularly wished to visit Greece. By the time he passed his final high school exams, not too long after Greece’s fall from (make-shift and corrupt, but quasi-traditional and protective) Colonel Regime’s grace and into the clutches of the bankster-and-bureaucrat EU, the country had already become the kind of ‘mass tourism’ destination that discourages any kind of non-sun-sea-sex seeking visitors. Nowhere more than in Greece applies the Traditionalist adage that the only way one can honour places of pilgrimage in the time of ‘mass tourism’ is by staying away. For any European with even the slightest sense of history, culture and honour, to join the ‘tourist’ crowds in ‘visiting’ the grand monuments, holy shrines and sacred groves of the Ancient World is a sacrilege in the truest sense of the word. Virtually every square metre of Greece is associated with multiple layers of heritage: Classical Antiquity, Orthodox Christianity, literary tradition, philosophical association. But gone are the days of Elgin, Byron, Schliemann and Sissi, when a handful of high-minded antiquarians, artists, writers and adventurous sought out the romantic wilds and overgrown ruins of late-Ottoman and early-independent Greece. Gone are the grand tour and ‘Death in Venice’-style holidays of aristocrats and grand bourgeois spending long summers reading classics as guidebooks and learning local languages as a matter of course. But despite his determination to stay away from the modern ‘mass tourist’ reality that now blocks any authentic motivation to travel to the old high culture centres of the Mediterranean littoral, by a strange combination of circumstances, the author now finds himself staying – indeed living – just there: in Greece. This allows him to here share with his reader the view intended in this essay: a last view of the Cradle of the West. As luck would have it, the author’s residence happens to be in one of those few remaining Greek locations that the ‘tourist’ masses consider boring and unrewarding enough to leave unmolested: a non-bucket-list, non-selfie-friendly, non-travel-hub city, located on the mainland and far enough away from the highways to demotivate automobile ‘tourist’ swarms. This gives the author a unique opportunity to see a tiny glimpse of another Greece, as lived in by the invisible ‘natives’, raw and real, away from the most grotesque distortions imposed by over-tourism – as it exists beyond the make-believe selfie-bubbles of the locust-like ‘visitor’ mobs.


Indeed, most of Greece is seasonally overrun by millions of quasi-zombified morons, flying in from Western Europe or driving in from Eastern Europe to coalesce into vast hordes of ‘experience consumers’ of all shades and hues, from tinder trip girls and selfie-hunting yuppies to middle-aged ‘culture seekers’ and yacht-and-helicopter VIP second-home owners. These ever-returning neo-barbaric invasion waves truly resemble ‘human insect’ plagues, littering the land, polluting the water, straining infrastructure, taking away living space, driving up prices, driving out locals, eliminating peace and security, destroying natural landscapes and distorting social life. On top of those great seasonal plagues, however, other, smaller, but more enduring malignancies are visited on Greece: hundreds of thousands of baby boomer pensionados, cornering the real estate market, lap-top wielding ‘digital nomad’ expats, gentrifying the inner cities, and Soros-sponsored ‘asylum seekers’, terrorizing small island communities. All these trials and tribulations are superimposed on a nation of barely ten million people who have long lacked even the slightest semblance of sovereign control over their own country and life: burdened with astronomical public debt, incurred by a vanishingly small but intensely corrupt elite exclusively for its own benefit. Greece is now subject to slightest whims of the IOU-wielding international banking cartel and bound to follow any and all globalist-nihilist diktat to the letter. Subject to a decades-long experiment in ‘economic austerity’, many of its young professionals have been forced out of the country, seeking employment in the rich north of the EU. Subject to an EU-engineered and NGO-sponsored ‘open borders’ regime, most of its eastern islands and inner cities are now transformed into permanently occupied halfway houses for hundreds of thousands ‘migrants’, all on their way to the same rich north. Subject to a de facto receivership regime, the Greek ‘government’ has been reduced to a mere tool for the enforcement of globalist-nihilist bureaucratic experiments, such as a maximalist ‘Covid’ lockdown, requiring citizens to send SMS notifications to the authorities every time they wanted to exit their house, and a pioneering roll-out of ‘digital wallets’, imposing total electronic control on an unsuspecting citizenry. Since the Greek Financial Crisis of 2009-16, the usurious financial exploitation, the asylum-industry blackmail and the surveillance state measures imposed on the country by the international ‘letter institutions’ (IMF, ECB, EU) have turned the vast majority of its people into inmates of a model globalist penal colony. And while the inmates are systematically robbed of their jobs, savings and houses, while their children and grandchildren are pressed into labour service abroad and while their diplomats and soldiers are turned into pawns on the globalist chessboard, they have to watch their country turned into a playground resort for seasonally migrating masses of gilded youth and baby boomer ‘elite’ tourists.


Even so, another Greece also continues to exist, virtually out of tourists’ and expats’ sights. This is the Greece in which up to 95% of the population identifies as Orthodox believers, in which church attendance reaches a similar number, in which monastic life continues to thrive, in which the nuclear and extended remain normative social modalities, in which transgressive sexuality, birth out of wedlock and abortion remain rare exceptions, in which people’s ‘online time’ is lowest of ‘developed countries’ and in which national identity remains prominent in the public sphere. The national flag is featured on every third apartment balcony and military service is still regarded as an essential and honourable part of every young man’s formation. This other Greece remains existentially anchored on three solid moorings: Classical Antiquity, through the continuity of its etymologically unmatched and naturally analytical language, Orthodox Christianity, through its doctrinally sound and aesthetically uncorrupted everyday religious life, and its unique national identity, alien to rest of the West because of its different religion, different alphabet and different history. This other Greece also necessarily preserves a martial ‘edge’ due to its geographic ‘bastion position’, located as it is in the corner of Europe, facing Asia and Africa. It may be argued that history and geography have given the Greek nation a degree of ‘natural immunity’ to the identity void and culture degeneracy imposed by globalist-nihilism elsewhere. Greek national identity was effectively ‘frozen’ and ‘solidified’ during four centuries of Ottoman imperial rule, which, unlike Western hegemonic rule, never sought to impose totalitarian Gleichschaltung in the socio-cultural realm. That same identity is continually reinforced by its borderland geography, which force it to remain ‘on edge’ as it faces Turkish territorial claims and non-European ‘migrant’ invasions. It is this ‘natural immunity’ of la Grèce profonde that may one day provide the solid foundation from which a second Greek liberation struggle may be launched against the now tottering EU ‘prison of the nations’ and the now faltering globalist-nihilist ‘New World Order’.


Perhaps the utter incompatibility of that ‘New World Order’ with la Grèce profonde is best symbolized by the fact that this year, 2024, Greek (Orthodox) Easter is celebrated more than a month later than Western (Catholic and Protestant) Easter. As a ‘testament of youth’, enshrining the memory of Christian Europe, the Greek Orthodox Church has retained its original calendar. Thus, Greece’s Spring Resurrection festival simply ignores all the many layers of hypertrophic ‘recalculation’, rational ‘reform’ and ‘progress’ under which the West has buried itself.


Bound for Byzantium


(New Byzantium Prospect)


Or set upon a golden bough to sing


To lords and ladies of Byzantium


Of what is past, or passing, or to come


– William Butler Yeats, ‘Sailing to Byzantium’


From the perspective of hegemonic Unipolarity, imposed and upheld by the Anglo-Saxon Empire, Greece represents a permanent liability: its permanent state of civilizational ‘liminality’, itself a function of its historical and geographical unicity, requires the Unipolar hegemon to impose a permanent, ever-vigilant and periodically ferocious regime of political repression and economic blackmail on Greece. This explains the many interventions of the West throughout modern Greek history, from the Battle of Navarino of 1827 (which effectively established the independence the Modernity-oriented Greek nation-state from the Tradition-oriented Ottoman Empire), through the Noemvriana of 1916 (which forced Greece in the camp of the Modernity-enforcing Allies against the Tradition-defending Central Powers) and through the Dekemvriana of 1944 (which ensured that post-war Greece would be an Anglo-Saxon vassal state instead of an East-aligned independent nation) and all the way to the globalist-engineered sabotage of the Greek Bailout Referendum of 2015 (which ended the populist revolt against the globalist rule).


From the perspective of the rapidly rising Multipolar Movement, Greece’s permanent state of civilizational liminality within the slowly decomposing ‘New World Order’ presents a unique opportunity to pry open the trap in which the Unipolar hegemon is holding Europe captive: without doubt, Greece is a chink in the thus-far impenetrable armour that still covers globalist-ruled Europe. For strategic reasons (controlling the Mediterranean, weakening Pan-Orthodoxy), Greece was absorbed into the key structures that maintained globalist-nihilist supremacy over Europe at an early stage (NATO 1952, EU 1981, Euro 2002), despite the obvious incompatibility of the country with the rest of the West. Effectively, Greece was made an ‘honorary member’ of the West, despite the glaringly obvious misalignment of Greek national interests with Western ‘values’ and ‘causes’. As the socio-economic strain resulting from the West-based Unipolar hegemon’s all-out challenge of the rising Multipolar East (open war in the Ukraine and the Middle East plus aggressive interventionism in the Far East and Sub-Saharan Africa) is beginning to weigh on the West, it stands to reason that Greece may very well be the first link to break in the globalist chains that still hold down Europe. If the Multipolarity Movement manages to win over Greece, an important breach will be achieved in the supposedly impenetrable but now increasingly hollowed-out globalist ‘Fortress Europe’. An important role in switching Greece from Unipolarity to Multipolarity can be played by Greece’s strongly suppressed but remarkably resilient (truly rooted and mass-based) deep left (radical-socialist) and deep right (patriotic-identitarian) movements. Unlike in other Western countries, where any anti-globalist populist sentiment is consistently deflected by the masses’ ‘civil nationalist’ orientation, in Greece both the deep left and deep right movements managed to gain a degree of real political influence, even despite an intense campaign mainstream media psyops and open economic blackmail by the globalist banking cartel. Before the deep left Syriza and the deep right Golden Dawn parties were finally neutered (through establishment co-optation and legal persecution, respectively), they represented real challenges to Greece’s ruling plutocracy, threatening Greece’s allegiance to the globalist ‘letter institutions’ (EU-ECB-IMF-NATO) throughout the entire Financial Crisis decade. Although these de facto populist risings were eventually defeated, their suppression by the globalist-nihilist occupation regime came at a heavy price: a total loss of public trust in the political class, in the apparatus of ‘global governance’ and in the neo-liberal economic model, a loss of trust that is particularly acute among the younger generation, the large self-employed class and the new urban ‘precariat’. At present, Greece’s continuing adherence to the globalist ‘letter institutions’ is highly precarious: that it continues it all is exclusively due to the collective state of fear and disorientation induced by the globalists’ neo-totalitarian ‘Covid Coup’. More importantly, however, is the state of public apathy induced by the simple lack of an alternative socio-political vision. This also means, however, that Greece’s continuing civilizational state of liminality continues to offer a real opportunity for Multipolar strategists: an authentic alternative socio-political vision, stated with sufficient conviction to attract Greece’s utterly disgruntled elite dissidents and communicated with sufficient charisma to inspire Greece’s utterly alienated masses, may serve as the proverbial match in the tinderbox.


The Multipolar Movement can provide Greece with an authentic alternative socio-political vision in the shape and form of the Neo-Eurasianist ‘Fourth Political Theory’ model, developed by its leading light, Aleksandr Dugin. That model offers a synthetic, ‘Archaeo-Futurist’ alternative to the failed historical-materials ideologies of Socialism, Fascism and Liberalism and it states the necessity of re-creating sustainable, ‘post-post-modern’ (Tradition-inspired) societal structures and re-instating authentic, ‘post-globalist’ (sovereignty-restoring) governance modalities. Russia-centred Neo-Eurasianism offers the perfect cure for Greece’s present ‘identity crisis’ as a ‘failed member’ of the West, as well as a perfect destination for its age-old pursuit of restored state sovereignty, which has been abeyance since the Fall of Constantinople. It offers Greece a restored civilizational destiny, thus far thwarted by elite-imposed psycho-historical Westoxification and Atlanticist-imposed socio-political Francocracy. This cure and destination would involve a re-invention – and re-enactment – of Greece’s repressed but unforgotten Neo-Byzantine vision, adapted to present-day realpolitik conditions, under the aegis of the Multipolar Movement and in conformity with Neo-Eurasianism’s balance-of-power vision. Obviously, the narrowly nationalist and irredentist interpretation of Greece’s Neo-Byzantine vision, most tangible in the late 19th and early 20th Century Megali Idea concept, is incompatible with the sovereign rights of Greece’s contemporary neighbours, above all Turkey, which has its own, equally valid neo-imperial vision. The Greek Kingdom’s post-WWI attempt to unilaterally enforce the Megali Idea concept as part of the wider Atlanticist (victors’) ‘peace settlement’, resulted in the destruction and uprooting of the millennia-old Greek presence in Asia Minor at the end of the Greco-Turkish War of 1919-22. Within the Eurasianist thought arsenal there exists, however, a highly original concept that would allow Greece to realize its Neo-Byzantine vision and reconcile it with the rival Neo-Ottoman vision of its neighbour Turkey: Helleno-Turkism. Rooted in the notion of Roman Imperial continuity that saw the Ottoman sultans as the legitimate heirs to the Byzantine emperors after the Fall of Constantinople, Helleno-Turkism received its modern formulation in the work of Dmitri Kitsikis (1935-2021), who rose to be senior advisor to the Greek and Turkish governments and who promoted the founding of an East Mediterranean Confederacy, uniting of Greece, Cyprus and Turkey, based on historical cohabitation and cultural synthesis. Given Russia’s historical claim to the Roman Imperium (as the Third Rome successor to Byzantium), its current alignment with the tenets of Neo-Eurasianism (of which it is the central node) and its key role in the Multipolarity Movement, the task of facilitating a Helleno-Turkist rapprochement between Greece and Turkey, both of which now fall in the category of its natural allies, should fall to Russia. Such a rapprochement would require nothing less than a geopolitical revolution, but there are many historical precedents for such a revolution and it is far from unthinkable under present conditions.


With the arrival of the spring of Multipolarity, the thus-far unassailable ‘New World Order’ power structure of the Unipolar hegemon, which effectively kept frozen regional geopolitics for over three-quarters of a century, is now starting to melt down. Even as the spring sun melts the winter snow and the seeds in the ground spring back to life, so now also the kinetic war raging across Little Russia and the Holy Land is waking geopolitical science and political philosophy from decades of globalist-imposed hibernation. Long-forgotten visions and long-taboo ideas are forcing their way back into consciousness and life. This spring season, even as brave soldiers and freedom fighters are edging forward on the fire-swept battlefields of Eastern Europe and the Middle East, turning the New World Order’s slow retreat into an all-out rout, so now also the ‘swordsmen of the mind’, geopoliticians, philosophers and strategists, must step forward and face the enemy, engaging him on another but equally dangerous field of multi-dimensional battle, viz. the field of worldview warfare.ix But before doing so, the warriors of the pen must pay tribute to the wielders of the sword who have ‘shaped the battlefield’ for them ever since February 2022. Since then, many brave soldiers and freedom fighters have sacrificed their lives, health and happiness to give the thinkers and writers of the Neo-Eurasianist and Multipolar Movements this unique opportunity to design and formulate a better future for all of humanity – under the banner of Golden Byzantium.


Necropolitics’


(Apocalypse Preparedness Check)


The horror…


The horror…


– Joseph Conrad, Heart of Darkness


Till today, the Greek language remains the core medium in which knowledge arrived at within the Modern Western episteme is encoded. Through the Modern Western sciences and arts, usage of this medium has spread across the globe, even into the Heart of Africa. That old ‘Heart of Darkness’ remained unspoilt by literacy-based modalities of analysis and perception right up to the middle of the 19th Century, but it is there that the Greek language’s enduring ability to produce new concepts and thought now finds an important confirmation. It is in Central Africa that a new Greek-language word was coined that holds the key to understanding a new reality emanating from the new Heart of Darkness that is now the West: necropolitics,


On the cusp of the Great Reset, Joseph-Achille Mbembe, a Cameroon-born political theorist, published his watershed work Necropolitics, which expands on the biopower model of Paul-Michel Foucault, highlighting the epistemic schism that underpins the power structure enforced by the West and analyzing the imposition of ‘living dead’ status on specific human groups (including whole nations, with the Palestinian nation as a prime example) as a standard tool of globalist power projection. Elsewhere, the author of this essay has used the tropes of the ‘living dead’ (and the ‘zombie apocalypse’) to clarify the internal conditions of the West (i.e. the psycho-historical trajectory of the Crisis of the Modern West and the socio-cultural dynamics of the Fall of the West),x but Mbembe uses the same to clarify the external manifestations of the Western hegemonic power. Mbembe rightly identifies sovereignty as the decisive criterium of necropolitical power: lack of it results in ‘living dead’ status. At the time Necropolitics was published, in 2019, virtually the entire world was still living in the ‘Unipolar Moment’, which began in 1992 with the Fall of the Soviet Union, but which ended in 2022 with the start of the Special Military Operation. Because the struggle to reestablish sovereignty – at all levels, from individual bodily autonomy, across national self-determination to civilization state autonomy -is the core task of the anti-globalist coalition that is slowly aggregating around the Eurasianist and Multipolar Movements, these movements would do well to revisit Mbembe’s necropolitical model and apply it to arena of international relations and geopolitical strategy.


As a preliminary observation, it should be noted that Mbembe’s necropolitical model goes a long way to explain the strikingly anti-martial nature of the violence inflicted by the West-based Unipolar hegemon on the Eurasian East- and Global South-based Multipolar ‘axis of resistance’. It preferably strikes at the weak and innocent: non-combatants and defenceless civilians. The unconventionally multi-dimensional and ruthlessly violent nature of the conflict (fake-news psyops, targeted assassinations, mass terror) in the first and main theatre of this conflict, which is Little Russia, reflects its essentially ‘necropolitical’ nature: there, the Western hegemon’s main challenger, the Russian Federation, is first denied sovereignty (i.e. assumed subject to the West-defined ‘rules-based order’), then subjected to ‘cancellation’ (i.e. banned from the West-defined ‘international community’) and finally condemned to ‘living dead’ status (i.e. reduced to ‘bare life’ in anticipation of its elimination from the world). The nature of the conflict in this theatre reveals an ontological rift of unprecedented, even eschatologically profound depth. Behind its proximate combatants now stand radically opposed worldviews that necessarily divide the entire world into two camps: behind the ‘Ukraine’ proxy forces, guided by the NATO arm of the Unipolar hegemon, stands the whole Collective West as the New World Order’s self-appointed sole global sovereign, and behind the Russian Army stands an ad hoc Multipolar coalition, uniting the Eurasian East and Global South. Notwithstanding the gravity of the issues contested in other theatres of the ongoing global conflict, mainly the East Asian Rimland Theatre, where the Western thalassocracy uses off-shore Japan and Taiwan and beachhead South Korea to taunt, thwart and threaten Russia, China and South Korea, and the Western Asian Rimland, where the Unipolar hegemon is determined to maintain its stranglehold over the Middle Eastern oilfields, shipping lanes and holy places against a make-shift axis of resistance, the decisive theatre of war remains the Little Russian frontline, stretching from the Pripet Marshes to Black Sea beaches.


There, across the old Blood Lands battlefield of Eastern Europe, the Unipolar hegemon is projecting its necropolitical power by cynically manipulating the fellow Slav brother nations of Great Russia and Little Rus into waging an utterly pointless civil war, deceiving and sacrificing the latter to diminish and dehumanize the former. The psycho-historical aspects of this wholly artificial and diabolically engineered conflict point to the essentially necropolitical aims of the Unipolar hegemon: these are the simultaneous defeat of both parties, the depopulation of the Ukraine, presumably the future location of a Neo-Khazarian (ahistorical, antinomian) model-state, and the subjugation of Russia, presumably to serve as a terra nullius resource and a slave plantation for Western high finance banksters and social experiment engineers. This conflict has been long in the making: in a slow-motion and inverted-value redux of the Third Reich’s Operation Barbarossa, NATO has been steadily creeping forward since 1990, crossing the June 1941 Axis starting line by its March 2004 absorption of the Baltic States, and finally nearing the December 1941 Axis maximum advance line by hijacking the Ukrainian state during the Maidan Coup of February 2014. NATO then started building up a formidable proxy force by reshaping, sponsoring and indoctrinating the Armed Forces of the Ukraine, entrenching them in Maginot Line-level fortifications, reinforcing them with ‘Atomwaffen’-type mercenary outfits and making them accessories to mass terror by involving them in a systematic campaign of bombardment, sabotage and biowarfare against the break-away regions of Crimea and Donbas, a campaign that was only disrupted by the start of Russia’s Special Military Operation in February 2022.


Even uninformed and biased observers agree that Russia’s initial strike was quite limited in scope: it dispersed the Kiev regime’s offensive troop build-up against the break-away Donbas region, it served as a warning to the West not to escalate and it gave Russia leverage for final settlement negotiations. Such negotiations were indeed held and they came close to being concluded in Antalya, Turkey, in March 2022, before being vetoed by the Kiev regime’s Western sponsors. From that point onwards, the Ukraine Crisis morphed into a fully-fledged Ukraine War, a war in which the Kiev regime was and is backed up by the full might of the West, receiving virtually unlimited funds, enormous stockpiles of war materials and sizeable personnel reinforcements disguised as advisors, mercenaries and volunteers, as well as real-time access to surveillance and intelligence technology, plus blanket, cross-the-board mainstream media support to spin false narratives of atrocity propaganda and military victory. The necropolitical nature of the conflict is most explicitly shown in the utter perversion of the Collective West’s mainstream media campaign, which has systematically suppressed the Kiev regime’s war crimes on the front and totalitarian practices at home, as well as ignoring the horrendous casualties suffered by the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the unprecedented depopulation of the Ukraine, which has now lost over half of its pre-war population due to battle losses, refugee outflows and borderland annexations. Another indicator of the necropolitical nature of the conflict is the Collective West’s imposition on Russia of an unprecedented combination of economic sanctions, financial penalties, travel restrictions and asset seizures, in flagrant breach of international law, historical precedent and common sense, and designed to signal a nullification of Russian state sovereignty. To this should be added the necropolitical nature of a ‘multi-dimensional’ kinetic warfare, unleashed on pre-war Russian territory itself through a sustained campaign of cross-border bombing, infrastructure sabotage, cyber-attacks and targeted assassinations. These are unreservedly supported by the whole Collective West and clearly designed to break Russian civilian morale, encourage Russian civil strife and bring down the Russian state. All these measures are necropolitically aimed at depriving the Russian state of sovereignty and reducing the Russian people to ‘living dead’ status.


Pushing Russia over the brink of war, the Collective West deemed itself absolved from international law, historical precedent and geopolitical reality. It has made the same mistake about the Russian Federation of 2022 that the Third Reich’s leadership made about the Soviet Union of 1941: both assumed that they faced a weak and tottering state structure, erected by a corrupt and out-of-touch regime, hated by its people and unable to face any serious challenge. Both were fatally mistaken. In the same way that, during the first two years of the Great Patriotic War, the Red Army bounced back from catastrophic initial defeat and the Soviet people made a determined collective stand against an existential threat, so now, during the first two years of the Ukraine War, the Russian Army has reconstituted itself into a formidable fighting machine and the Russian state has realigned its socio-economic structure to conform to wartime imperatives, stipulating maximal self-sufficiency, maximal efficiency and maximal solidarity. Two years into the conflict it is safe to say that the ‘shock and awe’ assault of the Collective West has failed, but that does not mean that the necropolitical worldview that triggered it has disappeared. On the contrary, now that the West’s Blitzkrieg has been thwarted by the Russian army and the most acute danger has passed for Russian state, the Eurasian East and the Global South must prepare for the Collective West’s shift to totaler Krieg, viz. a war guided by necropolitical ‘reasoning’. In the final analysis, even the bodies, graves and memories of the fallen are bound to become instrumentalized – as they already have been in the Gaza Theatre of the great war between the dehumanized West and the still-human rest. There, bodies have been withheld from relatives, graveyards have been dug up and names have been erased from records. There is no reason to think those new ‘rules of engagement’ will not be soon applied elsewhere – and everywhere.


The thinkers and strategists of the Eurasianist and Multipolar Movement urgently need to come to terms with the full implications of the Collective West’s necropolitical strategy. If they are to engage the enemy on the battlefield of worldview warfare with any hope of success, they must radically and rapidly adjust their mindset. They have to learn to be more ruthless – and, if necessary, most ruthless.


Oriente e occidente’xi


(Rules of Engagement Revision)


The Lord is my rock, and my fortress, and my deliverer,


my God, my strength, in whom I will trust,


my buckler, and the horn of my salvation, and my high tower


– Psalms 18:2


Just one week after the Ides of the March-ing month, opening the war season of 2024, the ‘War of the Worlds’ between the globalist West and the multipolar East moved into a new and distinctive phase. With hindsight, the Crocus City Hall Massacre, a mass-terror attack on a distinctly soft-target civilian concert audience perpetrated by what is widely suspected to be a Western-concocted and Kiev-connected pseudo-Islamicist front organization, will most likely mark the point at which the ‘Ukraine conflict’ metastasized from a medium-scale but still limited ‘proxy war’, thus far generally conducted within rather narrow geographic boundaries and generally limited to set-piece battles without total disruption of civilian life on either side, into something much more serious, slowly escalating into an all-out, existential war between East and West. In some ways, for the desperate soldiers and destitute civilians of Little Russia at least, it is already approaching the ‘total war’ intensity and scope to which their Axis counterparts were subjected during the final stage of WWII.


Of course, the historical trajectory of warfare throughout the 19th and 20th Centuries, equally impacted by technological ‘progress’ and ethical ‘regress’, has shown a gradual blurring of the military-civilian divide, and a shift into ‘multi-dimensional’, or ‘total’ warfare. These tendencies were accentuated by the mercantile-hegemonic Anglo-Saxon powers as they applied the ‘colonial pacification campaign’ model in their overseas empires. Then, gradually, the same model, which proposes that a single, universal and obligatory model of ‘civilization’ and ‘rules-based order’ must be forcibly imposed on primitive ‘natives’ and brutish ‘warlords’, was applied to fellow-Europeans. This historical trajectory had significant milestones in several Anglo-Saxon ‘innovations’: the concentration camp, decimating the Boer civilian population during the Second Boer War, the economic blockade, starving the German civilian population during World War I, the saturation bombardment, terrorizing the Axis civilian populations during World War II, and low-grade nuclear war, uranium poisoning the Serbian civilian population during the Yugoslav War, the quarter-centenary anniversary of which was poignantly commemorated in March 2024, just before this essay was written. That latter, Yugoslav conflict constitutes the most direct historical precedent for the present Western treatment of Russia and for the Western narrative ‘framing’ of Russia that underpins it.xii The media campaign against Yugoslavia over the ‘Kosovo conflict’ then as well as the media campaign against Russia over the ‘Ukraine conflict’ now are characterized by blanket censorship, atrocity propaganda and racist stereotyping, imposing the categories of progressive-vs-regressive, civilized-vs-primitive and human-vs-inhuman divide on a monolithically imposed narrative that is globally distributed by the West’s ‘mainstream media’. At the same time, and in more radical form, a similar narrative is now being imposed and distributed regarding the ‘Gaza conflict’, with the same Western ‘mainstream media’ portraying the genocide of the ‘primitive’ and ‘inhuman’ Palestinians (supposedly roasting children alive and raping women en masse) by the ‘‘civilized’ and ‘humane’ Israelis (boasting ‘the only democracy in the Middle East’ and ‘the most humane army in the world’) as not only negatively inevitable but also positively necessary. In these simultaneous ‘Ukraine’ and ‘Gaza’ narratives, facts do not matter: only the narrative matters. The narrative justifies action and such action creates new facts, retroactively confirming the narrative. All traces of any counter-narrative are mopped up over time, reducing them to the status ‘conspiracy theories’ and creating an atmosphere of intimidation. It is, after all, the victor who will be writing history, or, better still in the time of Orwell-as-a-program, redefining history.


From that perspective, the Crocus City Hall Massacre starts to make sense: for those who stand to benefit from it (a category that, irrespective of the technical results of the ongoing investigation, obviously includes the Kiev puppet regime and its West-based paymasters), it represents a deliberate escalation within a systematic campaign of subduing by terror, a campaign that is already close to reaching its logical end stage in the parallel Gaza Massacre: genocide. It also heralds a new stage in the West-based globalist cabal’s campaign of attaining world dominion: it aims at breaking the will to fight in those few hold-outs still resisting the globalist-nihilist Dark Tide. The deliberate terror it has unleashed aims at nothing less than breaking Russian national morale, inducing the fall of the Russian state as a sovereign actor and paving the way for the globalist conquest of the still Russian-protected northern Eurasian landmass, with all its unfathomed natural resources. The West-based globalist cabal’s Griff nach der Weltmacht, prepared domestically by the totalitarian transformation of the West during the Great Reset of 2020-21 and kicked off internationally by the all-out assault on Russia in the Ukraine campaign of 2022-23, is currently approaching a critical stage: the stage at which undisguised and unapologetic mass terror serves a critical aim, viz. the breaking the enemy’s will to fight. Thus, for the West-based globalist cabal and its Kiev-based henchmen, the victims of the Crocus City Hall Massacre, the scores of dead and wounded, the sorrow of the bereaved and orphaned, the life-long trauma of the survivors and the anguish of the Russian people, do not merely represent ‘collateral damage’. To them, they represent assets, markers of ‘success’ in a calculus that posits – and imposes – human suffering as a function of redefined ‘statecraft’. In some ways, this calculus is like that of the late-pagan Roman Empire, which posited that the terror it imposed upon the early Christian Church, imposing the spectacle of women and children being eaten alive by starving wild animals or subjected to unspeakable outrages on mass audiences in the circus, served state policy through a perversely inverted ‘hearts and minds’ campaign based on pure terror. Of course, that terror was painstakingly ‘stage managed’, with carefully measured doses of rationalization, subterfuge and denial, similar to how the Western mainstream media ‘covers’ all the different West-sponsored terror campaigns to which Russia has been subjected over the last years by means of different combinations of ‘narrative management’. By now, the litany of these atrocities makes for a long and dreary tale, from the Odessa Fire of 2014, through the Donbas bombing of 2014-22, to the targeted assassination campaign of 2022, for now culminating in the Crocus City Hall Massacre of 2024.


The single determining factor in the calculus of the West-based globalist-nihilist regime is simply the amount of force necessary to impose its will: might is right. The East must fully grasp this reality before it can even begin to deal effectively with the West: there is no sense in reasoning, talking, bargaining and negotiating till the West surrenders. And even when it surrenders, it should be forced to do so unconditionally: any attempt at reasoning, talking, bargaining and negotiating will be seen as weakness. In the final analysis, the assumptions, attitudes, priorities and aims that have guided Western policies since the turn of the century – the destruction of Yugoslavia, ‘9/11’ and the Iraq War marking the turning point – are entirely incompatible with equal-partner communication, let alone classic diplomacy. The many images of Eurasian and Global South policy-makers and diplomats referring to Western-origin international law, studying Western-made official statements, fine-tuning their words and proposing reasonable solutions that are in everybody’s best interest are simply ridiculous. Western-origin international law died long ago: its pretences were already a sham at Nuremberg and they were entirely discarded once the West saw the Soviet Union, its last true challenger, disappear. Western-made official statements are calculated lies: the last attachments to truth and reality were gradually abandoned because the West was allowed to get away with profitable deceit and comfortable self-deception for three decades. Finely tuned words are wasted on the West’s ‘young global leaders’ because they have lost all sense of reality after getting away with speaking lies to power for an entire generation. A reasonable solution to a conflict between two parties is impossible when one party views the conflict as the solution. It may be better for Eurasian and Global South policy-makers and diplomats to take off their Western-style suits and ties and again dress in the bearskin of the boyars, the imperial silk of the mandarin, the lion skin of the war chief and the long robe of the prophet. Of course, only the charisma and power of a new Genghis Khan, restyled to suit present-day mindsets but tempered by actual kinetic warfare, would sufficiently impress the regime creatures, the lying presstitutes and the zombified masses of the globalist-nihilist West to finally bring them to heel. The leaders of free Eurasia and the free Global South need to find iron in their souls. Their journey to freedom may require the clarity of mind and strength of heart that the world is beginning to see in them, but these alone are not enough: their vision needs to be personally incorporated through authentic charisma and to be kinetically imposed on the world through decisive action – an incorporation and imposition that depend on each other.


The outdated illusions of the ‘rules-based order’, the ruined remains of the ‘international institutions’ and the now hopelessly perverted notion of ‘Western civilization’ must be abandoned without regret and replaced without compromise. The West is now nothing but an Empire of Lies – if the rest is to live, it must die. It must be destroyed, root and branch – the time for compromise has passed. With the Crocus City Hall Massacre, the clash between West and East has entered a new stage, a stage at which all old illusions of international law, business-as-usual politics, diplomatic formalities and even the rules of war will eventually become redundant. A true ‘War of the Worlds’ has started. If there is to be a new legal framework, a new political equilibrium, a new diplomatic code and a new ethics of war, these will have to be invented ex nihilo – after victory on the battlefield. To achieve that, nothing will suffice but a virtuous act of will, fusing decisive action, authentic charisma and sacred sanction. The peace that follows victory will have to be imposed upon the West and it will have to be imposed in a manner that fundamentally alters the West itself. After the West is liberated from globalist-nihilist rule, it will have to reinvent itself, but it will have to do so within the constraints of a new Multipolar order and these constraints will have to be enforced before they can become second nature. This is the only way in which the evil spell that holds together the Empire of Lies can be undone.


The time has gone for all those resisting the Unipolar hegemon and its Empire of Lies within the Culture War ‘axis of resistance’, most importantly those of the Dissident Right, Eurasianist and Multipolar Movements, to come up with concepts that anticipate and prepare for the day that the West is liberated from Unipolar occupation. With that task in mind, Part 2 of this essay will explore one such concept of worldview warfare: Geosophy.




Weltanschauungskrieg


(Geosophy Mission Statement)


O Sapientia, quae ex ore Altissimi prodisti


attingens a fine usque ad finem, fortiter suaviter disponensque omnia


Veni ad docendum nos viam prudentiae


‘Oh Wisdom, which came out of the mouth of the Most High


reaching from one end all the way to the other, mightily and graciously ordering all things


Come and teach us the way of understanding’


– Great Advent Antiphon 1


Once the necropolitical calculus of the Unipolar hegemon, as sketched in the final paragraph of Part 1 of this essay, is fully grasped, it is up to the thinkers and strategists of the metapolitical ‘axis of resistance’, most importantly those of the Dissident Right, Eurasianist and Multipolar M

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